Общая заметка: If we derive *vaditi from *h2uedh2 (cf. Skt. vadi `speak, talk'), the *a can be attributed to Winter's law. This would rule out a connection with Lith. vadi°nti `call', which is best derived from *uedh- `lead', cf. Latv. vadina^t `lead, accompany, urge, lure', vedina^t `urge, lure' (cf. Trautmann 1923a: 337, Bіga RR II: 642). It seems to me that Ru. dial. vaґdit' (Novg.) `lure, spend (time), deceive' cannot be separated from vodiґt' `lead' (Baltic influence?) and therefore does not belong to our etymon *vaditi.
Другие сближения: Skt. vaґdati `speak, talk' [verb]; Hitt. uёѓtarnahh- [verb]
Праславянская форма:*va?rъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Акцентная парадигма: c
Старославянский: varъ `heat' [m o]
Русский: var `pitch, (dial.) boiling water, heat' [m o]
Общая заметка: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vĕdro° derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. Шdr…a `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence -dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.
Индоевропейская форма: *The origin of *voda° is the heteroclitic noun *uod-r/n- `water'. The fact that the etymon was not affected by Winter's law calls for an explanation. Kortlandt (1979: 60-61, cf. 1988: 388-389) claims that the vocalism of *voda continues the Gsg. *(v)undnes of a Balto-Slavic noun *vondЎr, with a nasal infix originating from a suffix, as in Latv. unda (cf. Thurneysen 1883). The sequence ndn blocked Winter's law (cf. the regular acute in Lith. vanduo~). The vocalism *vod- arose in Proto-Slavic when *un was lowered before a tautosyllabic stop, which development was followed by the dissimilatory loss of the *n (cf. -> *ogn'ь).
Другие сближения: Skt. udaґn- (RV+) `water' [n]; Hitt. uёѓtar `water' [n], uёetenas [Gens]; Gk. Ыdwr `water' [n]; Lat. unda `wave' [f]; Go. wato `water' [n]; OS watar `water' [n]; OIc. vatn `water' [n]
Общая заметка: The anlaut of the pronoun was apparently remodelled after the oblique cases. This must have occurred before the delabialization of µ, which was an allophone of /u/ after a preceding *j.
Примечания: {1} In the modern languages also second person singular as a formal mode of address.
Праславянская форма:*vy-
Грамматические признаки: pref.
Значение на праславянском: `out'
Старославянский: vy- `out' [pref]
Русский: vy- `out' [pref]
Чешский: vy- `out' [pref]
Словацкий: vy- `out' [pref]
Польский: wy- `out' [pref]
Индоевропейская форма: *(H)ud
Другие сближения: Skt. uґd (RV+) `up, away, out of' [prevb]; Go. ut `from, out of' [prep]; OIc. uґt `from, out of' [prep]
Праславянская форма:*v°ydra
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ
Акцентная парадигма: a
Значение на праславянском: `otter'
Русский: vyґdra `otter' [f ѓ]
Чешский: vydra `otter' [f ѓ]
Словацкий: vydra `otter' [f ѓ]
Польский: wydra `otter' [f ѓ]
Сербско-хорватский: vi?dra `otter' [f ѓ]
Словенский: vi?dra `otter' [f ѓ]
Болгарский: viґdra `otter' [f ѓ]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *uґЂdraЂ
Литовский: іґdra `otter' [f ѓ]
Древнерусский: wudro `otter'
Индоевропейская форма: *ud-r-eh2
Другие сближения: Av. udra- `otter' [m]; Gk. Ыdroj `watersnake' [m]; Gk. Ыdra `watersnake' [f]; OHG ottar [m]
Общая заметка: The root *vyg- reflects *unЂg < *h1ngє-. Here Winter's law was not blocked by a cluster *ngn, nor was the root affected by lowering (-> o°gn'ь, *ǫ°glь). There is no reason to assume that the initial *v is the preposotion `in', cf. *vy°dra.
Праславянская форма:*vy°knǫti
Грамматические признаки: v.
Акцентная парадигма: a
Значение на праславянском: `get used to, accustom oneself'
Старославянский: vyknǫti `get used to, accustom oneself' [verb], vyknǫ [1sg]
Чешский: vyknouti `get used to, accustom oneself' [verb] {1}
Общая заметка: For the suffix *-okъ, cf. -> *glǫbo°kъ, *dale°kъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. vyґše, SCr. vi°šЊ, Sln. vi?še, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as *іps-, cf. Gk. ШyhlТj `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. іґ, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded *(j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex *vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vy°sь and the comparative vy°še.
Общая заметка: It is unclear if and how Slavic *vъšь and Baltic *ut- are related. The forms may have been distorted for reasons of taboo. It cannot be excluded that OHG lіs f. `louse' also belongs here.
Общая заметка: The PIE form may have had initial *h1- < *d- as a result of dissimilation before a following dental. It is not very likely that the PIE form was *n-toro-, with an unparallelled zero grade of the root reflected in Lith. an~tras `second', etc.
Примечания: {1} The variant vьtor- only occurs in the Codex Suprasliensis, where we have vьtorĕĕmь Lsg.m. against 12 occurrences of vъtor-. In the Codex Assemanianus, there are two occurrences of vьtoricejǫ `for the second time'. {2} AP (a) - vъtoґrъjь - in Древнерусский:: (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
Общая заметка: According to Kortlandt (1997: 161), this etymon continues a hysterodynamic uh2-stem. In his view, the e-grade of the Asg. must have spread to the Nsg at an early stage of Balto-Slavic, i.e. before the development *eu > *ou before a vowel because otherwise the medial front vowel of OPr. widdewі is hard to explain.
Общая заметка: The origin of this etymon may be a Lpl. *uis•u-. In Литовский, the š < *s• may have been replaced with s when the variant -su of the Lpl. was generalized (F. Kortlandt, p.c.). Slavic generalized the ending -xъ < *-s•u in the Lpl., which is why the pronoun has *sґ < *x as a result of the progressive palatalization. In North Русский:, we still find forms with x (cf. Vermeer 2000: passim).
Другие сближения: Skt. viґs•u- `in all directions' {1}
).