Примечания: {1} According to Skok (III: 319), obresti was borrowed from Русский: into the eastern variant of the literary language. The position of the dialect forms is unclear. {2} The Литовский verb sure†~sti `seize' (BB 26: 168), which Pokorny refers to, is obscure.
Праславянская форма:*obuti
Грамматические признаки: v.
Значение на праславянском: `puton footwear'
Страница в ЭССЯ: XXX 246-247
Старославянский: obuti (Mar., Zogr., Supr.) `put on footwear' [verb]
Русский: obuґt' `put on someone's boots or shoes for him, provide with boots or shoes' [verb]
Чешский: obouti `put on footwear' [verb]
Словацкий: obut' `put on footwear' [verb]
Польский: obucґ `put on footwear' [verb]
Сербско-хорватский: o°buti `put on footwear' [verb], o?bujЊm [1sg]; #SCr. C№ak. obu?ti (Vrgada) `put on footwear' [verb], o?buješ [2sg]; #SCr. C№ak. ubu?t (Orbanicґi) `put on (shoes)' [verb], ubu?jen [1sg]
Словенский: obuґti `put on footwear' [verb], obu?jem [1sg]
Болгарский: obuґja `put on footwear' [verb]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *(-)outei
Литовский: au~ti `put on footwear' [verb]
Латышский: a°ut `put on footwear' [verb]
Общая заметка: Prefixed verb composed of -> *jьz- and *uti- < *h3eu- (-> * jьzuti).
Другие сближения: Hitt. unu- `adorn, decorate, lay (the table)' [verb]; Lat. induere `put on footwear' [verb]
Общая заметка: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH3el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. uґolektis, Latv. uo^lekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH3l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', зlљnh `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)Ўl- is the obvious reconstruction.
Другие сближения: Gk. olљkra?noj `point of the elbow' [m]; Lat. ulna `elbow' [f]; OIr. uilen `elbow' [f]; OHG elina `ell' [f]; Arm. oљn `spine, shoulder'
Примечания: {1} *HH3elkuti seems also possible. {2} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *o?lkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. {3} The LKZ№ has elkі~ne† instead of elkіґne† , even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. {4} Also ę°lkuonis , ę°lkuone , ę°lkіne2.
Общая заметка: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(Ќ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
Примечания: {1} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Болгарский, e.g. MBulg. jelovo , Bulg. (dial.) eґlavo . In Русский: dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. {2} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKZ№ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is aґљwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Литовский form a~lavas is a borrowing from Slavic.
Латышский: uguns `fire' [f i]; #Latv. uguns `fire' [m i]
Индоевропейская форма: *h1ngw-ni-
Общая заметка: According to Kortlandt (1979: 60-61), *ogn'ь reflects a Balto-Slavic noun *ungnis, where *-ngn- blocked the operation of Winter's law. The sequence *un was lowered to *on before a tautosyllabic stop, with subsequent loss of the nasal as a result of dissimilation (cf. -> *voda°). Apparently, the latter development occurred in Baltic as well. The expected reflex of Winter's law is found in -> *vy°gъn§ь, vy°gъn§a.
Другие сближения: Skt. agniґ- (RV+) `fire, Agni' [m]; Lat. ignis `fire' [m]
Праславянская форма:*o?pakъ; o?pako; o?paky {1}
Грамматические признаки: adv.
Акцентная парадигма: c
Значение на праславянском: `the other way round'
Старославянский: opaky (Supr.) `the other way round, behind one's back' [adv]
Русский: oґpak(o) (dial.) `back, backwards, the other way round' [adv]
Чешский: opak `contrary' [m o]
Old Чешский:: opak `backwards, the other way round' [adv]
Словацкий: opak `contrary' [m o]
Польский: opak `(na o.) the other way round, upside down, wrongly' [adv]
Сербско-хорватский: o?pѓk `the other way round' [adj/adv]; #SCr. C№ak. o?paІЇk (Vrgada) `the other way round' [adj/adv]
Словенский: opa?k `backwards, the other way round' [adv], opaґka [Gens]
Болгарский: oґpak `backwards, the other way round' [adv]
Индоевропейская форма: *h2epo-h3ekw-
Общая заметка: The quantitative variation in the second syllable reflects accentual mobility, as pretonic long vowels were shortened but posttonic long vowels were not. The laryngeal of the second syllable had been lost with compensatory lengthening at an earlier stage.
Общая заметка: On the basis of Sln. ǫ?st, Illič-Svityč posits an original AP (b) for this etymon. Furthermore, Skardžius (1941: 330) has aksti°s, -ies, which "mixed paradigm" Illič-Svityč (1963:
57) also regards as evidence for an original barytone accentuation.
Примечания: {1} The form akšti°s is also attested.
Праславянская форма:*o?sь
Грамматические признаки: f. i
Акцентная парадигма: c
Значение на праславянском: `axle, axis'
Церковно-славянский: osь `axle' [f i]
Русский: os' `axle, axis' [f i]
Old Чешский:: os `axle' [f i]
Словацкий: os `axle' [f i]
Польский: osґ `axle' [f i]
Сербско-хорватский: o?s `axle, axis' [f i]
Словенский: ǫ?s `axle, axis' [f i], osi? [Gens]
Болгарский: os `axle' [f i]
Литовский: aši°s `axle, axis' [f i]
Латышский: ass `axle, axis' [f i]
Древнерусский: assis (EV) `axle'
Индоевропейская форма: *h2ekґs-i-
Другие сближения: Skt. aґks•a- `axle' [m]; Gk. Ґxwn [m] `axle' [m]; Lat. axis `axle' [m]
Общая заметка: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. љaba§dzґ or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. ro?b `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h2lob-oda (*h2leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).
Примечания: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. љaba§dzґ or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. ro?b `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h2lob-oda (*h2leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).
Общая заметка: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Словацкий suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h2elbh- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h2lЎbh- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes *la- and *lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex *le- in Ru. leґbed' (perhaps from *lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobĕ) continues the short reflex of *ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
Old Чешский:: laґkati `crave (for)' [verb], laґkaju [1sg], laґču [1sg]
Словенский: laґkati `be hungry, be greedy, starve' [verb], laґkam [1sg]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *olЂktei
Литовский: aґlkti `be hungry' [verb]
Латышский: al^kt `be hungry' [verb]
Индоевропейская форма: *HolHk-tei
Страница у Покорного: 307
Общая заметка: The reconstruction *Ўlk- < *h1eh1olk- (Rasmussen Sel. Pap.: 116) cannot account for the acute tone of the root.
Другие сближения: {1} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the ratio between alъk- (including al'k- and alk-) and lak- is 19 : 9, respectively. Zogr. (1 : 4), Mar. (3 : 1) and Ass. (3 : 1) have both variants.
Примечания: {1} Provided that this is the correct reading of mьnii. {2} Probably < *h1el-n-bho-. Like the Armenian word mentioned below, this form does not contain the "Hoffmann-suffix". {3} According to Schrijver (1995: 79) < PIE *el-(H)n + t-iH or *el-en + t-iH. {4} MW elein, MoW elain may reflect PIE *(h1)el-Hn- or *(h1)el-n•-iё (Schrijver 1995: 79).
Примечания: {1} Cf. also olesisty `swampy' and olesґnik alongside jelesґnik `white hellebore'. {2} The form with e- is actually reflected as a°lksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.)
Общая заметка: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a- : e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Латышский toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Литовский as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
Примечания: {1} In Русский: dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. eloґxa (Kostr.), aleЁx (Voron.), oleЁx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). {2} The form with e- is actually reflected as a°lksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). {3} From *aluz- and *elustrЎ (< *elastrЎ?), respectively.
Общая заметка: In Balto-Slavic (or in Baltic and Slavic independently), zero grade of the root (cf. Lith. i°rklas `oar') was apparently replaced by full grade after the verb `to plough'. The fixed stress on the root must result from Hirt's law.
Другие сближения: Gk. Ґrotron `plough' [n]; Arm. arawr `plough' [noun]
Примечания: {1} The form oralo (Ass.) is clearly analogical after orati.
Общая заметка: The literal meaning of OCS oriti, which in Supr. 510,8 translates Gk. kaqљlkein, is apparently `drag down'. The ESSJa (s.v. *oriti II) connects oriti in this particular meaning with SCr. o°riti se, Sln. oriti se `resound' as well as with Lat. orѓre `speak'. I am inclined to consider the reconstruction of a second etymon *oriti unnecessary.
Чешский: role `field, arable land' [f jѓ]; #Cz. roliґ (S. dial.) `field, arable land' [n io]
Old Чешский:: roliґ `field, arable land' [f iѓ]
Словацкий: rol'a `field, arable land' [f jѓ]
Польский: rola `field, arable land' [f jѓ]
Upper Sorbian: rola `field, arable land' [f jѓ]
Индоевропейская форма: *h2e/orh3-iH-
Страница у Покорного: 62
Общая заметка: I assume that the root-final laryngeal had been lost in pretonic position before the word-initial metathesis of liquids. The fact that we find no lengthening is also connected with non-initial stress. Note that in forms such as *ra°dlo AP (a) originates from Hirt's law.
Общая заметка: The e- of the East Baltic forms is a good example of "Rozwadowski's change". It doesn't seem very plausible that within Slavic only the Low Sorbian forms would show the effect of this phenomenon.
Примечания: {1} The variant are~lis is limited to the area where e- becomes a- (Bіga RR II: 508).
Праславянская форма:*orьmo°
Грамматические признаки: n. o
Значение на праславянском: `part of a (wooden) plough supporting the ploughshare'
Страница в ЭССЯ: XXXII 234
Русский: or'moґ (Dal': Nižegor.-Mak.) `mount of the ploughshare of a (NE Русский: type of) wooden plough' [n o]; #Ru. ormoґ (Jarosl.) `wooden part of a plough on which the ploughshare is fixed' [n o]
Общая заметка: The forms with *e- may be attributed to "Rozwadowski's change", though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic + Литовский) is remarkable.
Другие сближения: OHG aspa `aspen' [f]; OIc. ǫsp `aspen' [f]
Примечания: {1} Alongside epuše†~, apuše†.
Праславянская форма:*oskъrdъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Значение на праславянском: `pointed hammer, pickaxe'
).