Общая заметка: According to Kortlandt (1988: 389), the fact that Winter's law apparently did not operate in this verb is due to the cluster *-ngn-, which blocked the law.
Примечания: {1} Only prefixed verbs, e.g. prisęgnǫti (Supr.) `touch'.
Общая заметка: If this is a Праславянская формаation, we must assume that in those languages where *dl- > *l- the etymon merged with *selo°. In West Slavic as as well these two etyma seem to have infuenced one another, cf. Pl. Dљugosiodљo with *e in the root.
Общая заметка: The initial fricative results from the palatalization of *x- before *ĕ < * oi/ai. According to Kortlandt (1994: 112), *kґh2 was depalatalized to *kH in Balto-Slavic, which sequence ultimately yielded k in Литовский and *x in Proto-Slavic. Heidermanns (1993: 269), seems to ignore the problem.
Общая заметка: If one does not wish to posit PIE *seH- alongside *sei- (Insler 1971: 581 ff), Lith. sie~ti, Latv. si°et `tie' must reflect *sHei- (Schrijver 1991: 519).
Общая заметка: As in the case of -> *kora°, a number of forms behave as if they belong to the *vo°lja type, e.g. Sln. skǫґrja. According to Bulaxovskij (1953: 45), we must reckon with influence of the semantically similar ko°ža. The widely attested long o in the root may be somehow connected with the following r (cf. Zaliznjak 1985: 135-136).
Общая заметка: Though Latv. sla~bs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, I am inclined to regard the Baltic forms as borrowings. Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions sla~bnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter's law, did not operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter's law applied exclusively to the syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter's law cannot account for PSl. *sla°bъ.
Другие сближения: MLG slap `weak, slack' [adj]
Примечания: {1} According to Fraenkel (151), the vocalism of slo~bnas may be due to an East Литовский development (cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 103).
Сербско-хорватский: smi°jati se `laugh' [verb], smi°jЊm se [1sg]; #SCr. C№ak. sm–ja?ti se (Vrgada) `laugh' [verb], smije?š se [2sg]; #SCr. C№ak. sm–ja?t se (Hvar) `laugh' [verb], sm–je?n se [1sg]; #SCr. C№ak. smeja~t se (Orbanicґi) `laugh' [verb], smeji~n se [1sg]
Словенский: sme•ґjati se `laugh' [verb], sme•ґjem se [1sg], sme•ґjam se; #Sln. sme•jaґti se `laugh' [verb], sme•ґjem se [1sg], sme•ґjam se, sme•jiґm se [1sg]
Другие сближения: Gk. ¤lj `salt' [m]; Lat. sѓl `salt' [m/n]; OHG salz `salt' [n]; OIr. salann `salt' [n]
Примечания: {1} According to Kortlandt (1985: 119), the root shape *sh2el- originates from the Asg. of a hysterodynamic paradigm. Latv. sѓls would reflect a Nsg. *sЊh2l-s.
Общая заметка: According to Kortlandt (1985: 119), the root shape *sh2el- originates from the Asg. of a hysterodynamic paradigm. Latv. sѓls would reflect a Nsg. *sЊh2-s
Другие сближения: Gk. ¤lj `salt' [m]; Lat. sѓl `salt' [m/n]; OHG salz `salt' [n]; OIr. salann `salt' [n]
Общая заметка: Forms such as Ru. sud'ja° reflect *sǫdьja° < *sǫdь°ja. The prefix was already in pretonic position before the operation of Dybo's law and is therefore reflected as a short vowel.
Русский: streґžen' `channel, main stream (of a river)' [m jo]; #Ru. steґržen' `pivot, core' [m jo]
BeloРусский: stryґžen' `core of an abscess' [m jo]
Украинский: stryґžen' `core of a tree' [m jo]
Чешский: stržen№ `core of an abscess' [m jo]
Словацкий: stržen№ `core of a tree, honeycomb' [m jo]
Словенский: stržę?n `core of a tree or an abcess, current, path through a valley [m o]
Древнерусский: strigeno `brain'
Индоевропейская форма: *strig(h)-
Другие сближения: Sw. streke `main stream (of a river)'
Праславянская форма:*strьžь; strьža
Грамматические признаки: m. jo; f. jѓ
Значение на праславянском: `core, deepest spot of a river'
Русский: strež (dial.) `centre and deepest spot of a river, strong current' [m jo]; #Ru. strežaґ (dial.) `centre and deepest spot of a river, strong current' [m jo]
Old Чешский:: strziess `charybdis' [m jo]
Сербско-хорватский: str?ž `core' [m jo]
Словенский: str?ž `core' [m jo]
Древнерусский: strigeno `brain'
Индоевропейская форма: *strig(h)-
Другие сближения: Sw. streke `main stream (of a river)'
Общая заметка: A reconstruction *h1su-dor(H)uo- - with the root of *dervo - would leave us with the problem why Winter's law did not affect the first member of the compound, cf. Lith. sіґdrus `thick, dense'. It seems to me that Meillet's etymology (1902-1905: 364), according to which *sъdravъ is cognate with Skt. dhruvaґ- `firm, solid' and Av. druua- `in good health' is preferable. To explain the prosodic characteristics of the noun one could posit a set• variant *dhorH- (cf. Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241), but this is not necessary, as *sъdo°rvъ may originate from *sъ°dorvъ as a result of Dybo's law, cf. Ru. ogoroґd `kitchen-garden'.
Другие сближения: Skt. dhruvaґ- `fixed, firm' [adj]; Av. druua- `healthy' [adj]
Примечания: {1} AP (a) in Древнерусский:: (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
Общая заметка: The vocalism of the Slavic proto-form must be secondary (cf. Trautmann 1923b for a discussion of the apophonic patterns *eN : *iN and *oN : *uN ).
Другие сближения: Skt. sґataґ- (RV+) `hundred' [num]; Gk. katТn `hundred' [num]; Lat. centum `hundred' [num]
Общая заметка: Other possibile reconstructions are *kґrH-neh2, with the root of Lith. šeґrnas `wild boar', ši°rvas `dapple-grey', and *srH-neh2, cf. Lith. sar~tas `fox-red', Latv. sa~rts `reddish'.
Примечания: {1} The anlaut of the Baltic forms is problematic. The existence of a Латышский variant sirna is uncertain.