Общая заметка: The Акцентная парадигма of *čadъ cannot be determined with certainty. Bogatyrev (1995: 29) slightly prefers (a) to (c). Since the etymology is also unclear, there are a number of possible reconstructions, e.g. *k(є)ed-o-, k(є)eh1d(h)-o- or - if AP (a) is secondary - k(є)Њd(h)-o-. See also -> *kѓdi°ti.
Праславянская форма:*ča°jati [ЧАЯТИ]
Грамматические признаки: v.
Акцентная парадигма: a
Страница в ЭССЯ: IV 10-11
Старославянский: čajati `expect, thirst for, hope for' [verb], čajǫ [1sg]
Общая заметка: Its has been a matter of dispute (see LIV s.v. *kєei- ) whether or not the root contains a laryngeal. Even though Dybo (1968: 205, 234, 236) classifies čajati as (c), it seems to me that the evidence warrants the reconstruction of AP (a), which in my framework implies the former presence of a laryngeal.
Общая заметка: It is tempting to assume that *čakati and -> *čajati contain the same basic root (cf. Meillet 1902-1905: 163), but this hypothesis does not explain the variation between *čakati and -> * čekati.
Общая заметка: The root may be reconstructed as *k(є)eh1s-, but it has been suggested that the *s belongs to the suffix, the root *kЊ (i.e. *keh1) being a variant of *kЊ(i), cf. Skt. cѓґyati. For the latter verb I have reconstructed *kweh1i-e/o- (-> *ča°jati).
Другие сближения: Alb. koheЁ `time, weather' [f]
Примечания: {1} AP (a) in Древнерусский:: (Zaliznjak 1985: 134).
Общая заметка: Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that čekati is cognate with OPr. kackint `attain', Lith. ka°kti `be sufficient' (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In Slavic, we may originally have had *čekti alongside the intensive *čĕkati. According to an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. čekaґt'), *čeka- is a reduplicated variant of the root *keh2- that we find in Lat. cѓrus `dear', MHG huore `whore' (note, however, that according to Schrijver (1996: 98, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me that Stang's scenario is preferable because it offers a solutio for the variation *ček-/čak-.
Индоевропейская форма: *On the basis of Balto-Slavic and Gothic we may reconstruct *(s)kґerdh-eh2. The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms mentioned below is dubious (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).
Страница у Покорного: 579
Другие сближения: Skt. sґaґrdha- `host (of Maruts)' [m]; Skt. sґaґrdhas- `troop, host (of Maruts)' [n]; Av. sarЌ‹a- [m or n] `kind, nature'; Go. haiґrda [f ѓ].
Примечания: {1} The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms is dubious, however (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).
Литовский: kermuše†~ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f Њ] 3b
Общая заметка: The variation between BSl. *k- and *sґ- (cf. -> *sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *kґrem- or *kґrom- instead of *kґerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
Общая заметка: Illič-Svityč (1963: 43) only mentions forms that may reflect *černъ. Since Ru. cereґn (Perm) might just as well continue *čerĕn, the evidence for AP (b) - an therefore for an old neuter - is weak, the most important piece of evidence probably being Ukr. čeranoґ (dial.). The etymological connection with Gk. kљrnoj [n/m] (also tŽ kљrna [Nompn]) `earthen dish affixed with small pots for miscellaneous offerings' is doubtful.
Праславянская форма:*černъ II; černь II
Грамматические признаки: m. o; m. jo
Акцентная парадигма: c
Значение на праславянском: `stem, stub'
Страница в ЭССЯ: IV 69-70
Русский: čeґren (S. dial.) `molar' [m o]
Чешский: tr№en№ `stem of a mushroom' [m jo]; #Cz. čren (dial.) `jaw, jaw-bone' [m o]
Сербско-хорватский: črije°slo `cortex, bark (used in tanning)' [n o]
Словенский: čre•ґslo• `cortex, bark (used in tanning)' [n o]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *kersloґ
Литовский: ker~slas `chisel, cutter' [m o]
Древнерусский: kersle `axe with two blades'
Страница у Покорного: 941
Общая заметка: Derivative of the root *(s)kert-. The suffix may be reconstructed as *-slom, but *-tlom is more attractive. It does not seem implausible that *kers-tlo- < *kert-tlo- became *kerslo- in Balto-Slavic.
Другие сближения: Skt. ceґtati `perceive, take notice of' [verb]
Примечания: {1} In Orbanicґi, či?tat is on the verge of ousting šte?t, 1sg. šte?n, while in Vrgada the native verb is šti?ti, 1sg. šti?jen. In Novi, we find šta?t, 1sg. šteґn, 2sg. šte?š. These forms seem to point to *čьtĕti / *čьtati , 1sg. *čьtǫ, cf. Sln. čte•ґti `read', šte•ґti `count'.
).