Общая заметка: In view of Ru. odiґn, Gsg. odnogoґ etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h1)edh- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
Примечания: {1} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.
Праславянская форма:*ed(ъ)va°; ledva
Грамматические признаки: adv./conj.
Значение на праславянском: `hardly, only just'
Страница в ЭССЯ: VI 16
Старославянский: jedъva `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]; #OCS (j)edva (Supr.) `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]
Русский: jedvaґ `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]; #Ru. odvaґ (dial.) `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]; #Ru. leґdva `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]; #Ru. leґdveґ (dial.) `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]
Древнерусский:: odъva `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]; #ORu. odva `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]
Чешский: jedva `hardly, only just' [adv]; #Cz. ledva (dial.) `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]
Словацкий: ledva `hardly, only just' [adv]; #Slk. ledvo (dial.) `hardly, only just' [adv]
Польский: ledwo `hardly, only just' [adv]; #Pl. ledwie `hardly, only just' [adv]
Древнепольский: jedwo `hardly, only just' [adv]; #OPl. jedwa `hardly, only just' [adv]
Upper Sorbian: lĕdma (dial.) `hardly, only just' [adv/conj]
Сербско-хорватский: je°dva `hardly, only just' [adv]; #SCr. C№ak. jedva? (Vrgada) `hardly, only just' [adv]
Словенский: je°dva `hardly, only just' [adv]; #Sln. je°dvaj `hardly, only just' [adv]; #Sln. odvaj `hardly, only just' [adv]; #Sln. odvo `hardly, only just' [adv]
Болгарский: edvaґ(m) `hardly, only just' [adv]; #Bulg. odva(j) (dial.) `hardly, only just' [adv]
Примечания: {1} There is an isolated form odъva. {2} Lith. adva (a.o. Bretke, Sirvydas) is considered a borrowing from BeloРусский:. I have not been able to find a form with o- in the latter language but we do have ORu./Ru. (dial.) odva. The dialect form advo~s is probably a blend of vo~s and a Slavic adverb odva .
Общая заметка: The š of Sln. re•?šЌk may have originated in a form *erš-ьcь < *erx-iko- (cf. Andersen 1996: 140). Bezlaj has proposed to link the Словенский: word to SCr. re°keš `eryngo' (Dubrovnik), with metathesis (1977: 17). The etymological connection with Skt. r•ks•aґra- is attractive, notwithstanding the fact that the Baltic forms seem to require a laryngeal.
Другие сближения: Skt. r•ks•ara- `thorn' [m]
Примечания: {1} There are many variants, e.g. erške~tis, erške†~tis, (Z№em.) eґrške~tis (cf. Derksen 1996: 51, 149).
Общая заметка: If the root is indeed PIE *h1s `to be', which would lead to a reconstruction *h1os-en-, the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old PРусский: being inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change".
Другие сближения: Gk. Сpиra, СpŽra (Lak.) `late summer, early autumn' [f]; Go. asans `harvest time, summer' [f]; OHG ar(a)n `harvest' [m]; Fi. kes„ `summer' [m]
Примечания: The e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old PРусский: being unclear) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change", but it must be said that the etymology is unclear. The Greek forms may reflect *osaraЇ, which would point to an r/n-stem.
Общая заметка: Connecting the name of the `spruce' or `fir-tree' with Lith. a~data `needle' and adyґti `to darn', as advocated by Fraenkel ( Fraenkel I: 117-118) and Pokorny, is semantically attractive but does not make much sense in relation to Lat. ebulum (cf. Andersen 1996: 119).
Примечания: {1} Alongside eЁlka. A different reflex of the sequence *dl is attested in the dialect form eЁgla. {2} In dialects we find such forms as jegla and jagla.
Общая заметка: I prefer this etymology to the one deriving *e№?dъ from *h2eid- `swell'. As to the semantics, we may compare the euphemisms MoHG Gift `poison' (from geben) and MoFr. poison < *pЎtion(em) (Vasmer s.v. jad).
Другие сближения: OIc. aґt `food' [n]; OHG. ѓz `food' [n]
Общая заметка: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h2e-, *h3e- , *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *e№zъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h1(e)gґh- (-> *e№zъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *je?zero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river A'cљrwn is dubious.
Другие сближения: Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]
Общая заметка: As Truba‰eЁv observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny's root *el- are capacious and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- `light-coloured'. It is tempting to seek a connection between *jelьcь and OHG alunt `ide'. Pokorny identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of *albho- `white' and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski's change?) originates from a substratum language.
Общая заметка: This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The Slavic forms with *jьm- may be due to popular etymology (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati `to take'. An etymological connection with PIE *h1m- `to take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *H3eHm- `raw' .
Примечания: {1} The forms with ѓ- may show the influence of a^buo~ls `apple, clover'.
Общая заметка: In order to explain the variation between initial l- and initial j-/0- Popowska-Taborska (1984) has proposed a change l'- > j-. This seems unlikely.
Словенский: jerebiґca `partridge, (sneјna j. or j. bjelica) ptarmigan, (rde‰a j. or gozdna j.) hazel-grouse' [f jѓ]; #Sln. jarebiґca `partridge' [f jѓ]
Общая заметка: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( TrubačeЁv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant *(e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
Общая заметка: Young (2001: 163-164) links Lith. er~nis `wolverine' to ORu. renь `hatred, malice, spite' and derives these words from Pokorny's root *er- `sich in Bewegung setzen, erregen (auch seelisch, „rgern, reizen' (IEW 326-327). LIV (238, 303) distinguishes between *h1er- `wohin gelangen, geraten' and *h3er- (299) `sich in (Fort-)bewegung setzen'. Formally *ertь may only belong to the former root, which is semantically less attractive, but it should be noted that the distinction between the roots is not always clear.
Общая заметка: If the anlaut of OCS retь does indeed originate from *er- (cf. -> *ernь), we would expect rĕtь in view of the regular development of *oRC- in South Slavic, cf. ratь `war, battle' (-> *ortь). Nevertheless, the etymology advocated here seems the best option (cf. Toporov 1981: 154).
Праславянская форма:*ese
Грамматические признаки: interj.
Страница в ЭССЯ: VI 8
Старославянский: ese `behold!' [interj]; #OCS jese `behold!' [interj]
Общая заметка: It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `AЁhrenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. AЁhre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h2ekґ-. Since the root is probably *h2ekґ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Латышский forms but also in Lith. ašaka° `fishbone' and aš(t)ru°s `sharp'.
Примечания: It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `AЁhrenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. AЁhre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h2ekґ-. Since the root is probably *h2ekґ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Латышский forms but also in Lith. ašaka° `fishbone' and aš(t)ru°s `sharp'.
Общая заметка: It seems highly plausible that *jese°tra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešery~s `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h2kґ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipЊnser `sturgeon' < *h2ekґu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erške~tas and erške†ґtras were probably influenced by erške†ґtis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erške~tas < eške~tras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k , cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešery~s. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *eksґetras .
Примечания: {1} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkіnas) is probably a PРусский:ism.
Праславянская форма:*esetь
Грамматические признаки: f. i
Значение на праславянском: `rack for drying grain'
Страница в ЭССЯ: -
Русский: oseґt' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
Общая заметка: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
Другие сближения: Gk. Сx…na (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f]; Lat. occa `harrow' [f]; OHG egida `harrow' [f]; OE eg(e)±e `harrow' [f]; OW ocet `harrow' [f]; Fi. „eЁs `harrow'
Примечания: {1} The Standard Литовский form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKZ№ , s.v.) indicate that there are Литовский forms completely matching Latv. ece^šas.
Праславянская форма:*esmь
Грамматические признаки: 1sg.
Значение на праславянском: `am'
Страница в ЭССЯ: VI 32
Старославянский: jesmь `am' [1sg]
Чешский: jsem `am' [1sg]
Древнепольский: jesґm `am' [1sg]
Сербско-хорватский: je°sam `am' [1sg]; #SCr. sam `am' [1sg]
Словенский: sЌm `am' [1sg]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *esmi
Литовский: esmi (OLith.) `am' [1sg]
Древнерусский: asmai `am' [1sg]
Индоевропейская форма: *h1es-mi
IE meaning: am
Certainty: +
Страница у Покорного: 340
Другие сближения: Skt. aґsmi `am' [1sg]; Gk. e„m… `am' [1sg]
Праславянская форма:*estь
Грамматические признаки: 3sg.
Значение на праславянском: `is'
Страница в ЭССЯ: VI 32
Старославянский: jestъ `is' [3sg]
Русский: est' `is' [3sg]
Чешский: jest `is' [3sg]; #Cz. je `is' [3sg]
Польский: jest `is' [3sg]
Сербско-хорватский: je?st `is' [3sg]; #SCr. je `is' [3sg]
Словенский: je° `is' [3sg]
Болгарский: e `is' [3sg]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *esti
Литовский: e~sti `is' [3sg]
Древнерусский: ast `is'; #OPr. est `is'
Индоевропейская форма: *h1es-ti
IE meaning: is
Certainty: +
Страница у Покорного: 340
Другие сближения: Skt. aґsti `is' [3sg]; Gk. ™st… `is' [3sg]
Примечания: {1} In Русский: dialects forms with e- occur alongside forms with o-. This variation is already found in Древнерусский::. {2} Forms such as SCr. jo?šte, Bulg. (dial.) joґšte and Sln. (dial.) išče result from the accretion of *i `and'. The *o-variants in this word are attested in a remarkably large area. The alternative etymologies contain a deictic element *edh- or *et- (see ESSJa s.v.).
Общая заметка: It cannot be decided whether this pronoun continues PIE *io-tero- or *h1e-etero-, cf. Skt. yataraґ- `which of the two' vs. Av. atѓra- `this one of the two'. The Sorbian forms may have been influenced by *vъtorъ `second'.
Другие сближения: Skt. yataraґ- `which of the two' [m]
Древнерусский: jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' {4}
Индоевропейская форма: *ieu-iH-eh2
IE meaning: granary
Certainty: +
Страница у Покорного: 512
Общая заметка: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javai~, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iauё-iѓ to *iau-iёѓ may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Литовский and the Латышский form, if we assume that the original form was *iauё-i°ѓ. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to TrubačeЁv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
Другие сближения: MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
Примечания: {1} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jauўja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Литовскийs.{2} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. {3} There are many variants, viz. jaґuje†, jaґujis, jaґujas, jaґujus. {4} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).
Общая заметка: In Greek, where ™^Гk•~noj `hedgehog, sea-urchin' looks like a derivative of њcij `viper', there seems to be a connection between `hedgehog' and `snake'. In Balto-Slavic, the words for `hedgehog' and `snake' do not match formally (-> ǫґžь).
).