Общая заметка: According to Pokorny (IEW: 224), OCS dažda is analogical after *ĕdja (the substantive jažda is not attested in OCS). The jѓ-stem is based on the reduplicated root *dad- < *dodh3-, which shows the effects of Winter's law.
Праславянская форма:*dadjьbogъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: IV 182-183
Древнерусский:: Dažьbogъ [proper name]
Древнепольский: dadzibog [proper name]
Страница у Покорного: 223+107(?)
Общая заметка: Compound of the imperative *dadjь (-> *da°ti) and -> *bo?gъ.
Праславянская форма:*da?nь dȃnь
Грамматические признаки: f. i
Акцентная парадигма: c
Значение на праславянском: `tribute, tax'
Страница в ЭССЯ: IV 194-195
Старославянский: danь `tax, tribute' [f i]
Русский: dan' `tribute, debt' [f i]
Чешский: daň `tax, duty' [f i]
Словацкий: dan№ `tax, duty' [f i]
Польский: danґ `tax, tribute, duty' [f i]
Сербско-хорватский: dan (13th-16th c.) `tribute' [f i]
Общая заметка: The long vowel of this adverb is striking. We may be dealing with a lengthened grade vowel that originated in an monosyllabic form.
Другие сближения: Skt. daґv–ya- `further, more distant' [adj]; Gk. d»n `a long time, far' [adv]; Gk. (Dor.) dŽn `a long time, far' [adv]; Gk. (Dor.) doŽn `a long time, far' [adv]
Другие сближения: Skt. daґv–ya- `further, more distant' [adj]; Gk. d»n `a long time, far' [adv]; Gk. (Dor.) dŽn `a long time, far' [adv]; Gk. (Dor.) doŽn `a long time, far' [adv]
Общая заметка: The secondary je-present dajǫ is built on the aorist stem. The long non-acute root vowel of the imperfective iteratives in -dѓvati can be traced to a perfect form *dh3-Њu (Kortlandt 1989: 111).
Другие сближения: Gk. d…dwmi `give' [verb]; Skt. daґdѓti `give' [verb]; Lat. dѓre `give' [verb]
Общая заметка: Formally, the Balto-Slavic and the Germanic forms do not match, considering that in the case of PIE *b the Balto-Slavic evidence would violate Winter's law. It is by no means necessary, however, to assume that this etymon is of Indo-European origin.
Общая заметка: For Balto-Slavic one would expect *douёin, with *eu > *ou before a vowel. The e vocalism may have been reintroduced on the basis of the ordinal *deuno- prior to the development *eu > *iou before consonant (Hamp 1976, Kortlandt 1979: 57). The ordinal was later reshaped into *deuёino-. In view of OPr. new–nts `nine', it is possible that the numeral still had initial *n- at the end of the Balto-Slavic period, but German influence cannot be excluded.
Другие сближения: Skt. naґva `nine' [num]; Gk. ™nnљa `nine' [num]; Lat. novem `nine' [num]; Go. niun `nine' [num]
Общая заметка: In view of the presumed connection between *žegti `burn' and Lith. de°gti `id.', *degъtь is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Baltic. I find it more likely that it is a relic of the original root *deg- < dhegєh- (cf. Sљawski SP III: 34-35), cf. Sln. dęґgniti `radiate', OCz. dehna `devil'.
Общая заметка: Variant with e-vocalism of -> *dolto°. The ESSJa adduces Cz. dletko (Kott) `edge of a plane' to show that *delbto° is not limited to South Slavic. It seems plausible that the e-grade is analogical after the verb, but it must be admitted that *delbti is hardly attested. The only form mentoned in the ESSJa (IV: 205) is C№ak. dlisti.
Другие сближения: OE delfan `dig' [verb]
Примечания: {1} Pleteršnik actually has dleґto•, which is probably a misprint.
Общая заметка: The word for `woodpecker' can be derived from *dhlbh- `dig' (in Slavic `hollow, chisel', cf. -> *dьlbti) if we assume that *dętelъ < *dentelъ or *dьntelъ reflects *deltelъ or *dьltelъ, cf. *žę°dlo < *gєlH-dhlo-.
Праславянская форма:*dĕ°dъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Акцентная парадигма: a
Страница в ЭССЯ: IV 227
Старославянский: dĕdъ `forefather' [m o]
Русский: ded `grandfather' [m o]
Чешский: dĕd `grandfather, forefather, old man' [m o]
Польский: dziad `grandfather, forefather, old man' [m o]
Другие сближения: Skt. daґdhѓti `put, place, make' [verb]; Gk. t…qhmi `to put down, to ground, to create' [verb]; Lat. fЊ-c– `to make' [1sgpfa]; OHG tuon `to do' [verb]
Общая заметка: Slavic *dĕl- has Germanic counterparts reflecting *dhoil- or *dhail-. The aspirated stop precludes a connection with Gk. da…omai `distribute' < *deh2-i- unless we assume that the Germanic forms are borrowings from Slavic, which is not particularly plausible. Note that the accentuation of *dĕґlъ (b) would be in conflict with a reconstruction *deh2i-l-.
Другие сближения: Go. dailjan `divide' [verb]
Примечания: {1} AP (c) in Древнерусский:: (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
Общая заметка: Derivative with an l-suffix of *dheh1- `put, make'.
Другие сближения: Skt. daґdhѓti `put, place, make' [verb]; Gk. t…qhmi `to put down, to ground, to create' [verb]; Lat. fЊc– `made' [1sgpfa]; OHG tuon `to do' [verb]
Другие сближения: This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dĕ°lo , cf. Lat. causѓ `because of'. The form *dĕl§a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dĕlьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.
Праславянская форма:*dĕЇra°
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ
Акцентная парадигма: b
Значение на праславянском: `crack, hole'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 12
Древнерусский:: dĕra `opening' [f ѓ]
Чешский: diґra `hole' [f ѓ]
Словацкий: diera `hole' [f ѓ]
Словинцский: Ѕe†^raў `hole' [f ѓ]
Upper Sorbian: dzґĕra `hole, lair' [f ѓ]
Индоевропейская форма: *dЊr-
Страница у Покорного: 206
Общая заметка: AP (b) confirms the a lengthened grade in the root.
Другие сближения: Skt. daґdhѓti `put, place, make' [verb]; Gk. t…qhmi `to put down, to ground, to create' [verb]; Lat. fЊ-c– `to make' [1sgpfa]; OHG tuon `to do' [verb]
Примечания: {1} The SJS gives dĕti sę, 1sg. deždǫ sę, 2sg. deždeši sę (Hilf., Venc.). The latter text does not belong to the Old Церковно-славянский: canon. The quoted passages do not show that the present stem dežd- occurs in Hilf. {2} In his Old Чешский:: dictionary, Gebauer has dĕti, dĕju `do' and dĕti, dĕju `speak, say'. In his Чешский: historical grammar (III.2: 228), however, he says that deju `I speak' is not attested and claims that the attested 1sg. diem is an innovation.
Праславянская форма:*dĕti II
Грамматические признаки: Nompf.
Значение на праславянском: `children'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 14
Старославянский: dĕti `children' [Nompf]
Русский: deґti `children' [Nomp]
Чешский: dĕti `children' [Nomp]
Словацкий: deti `children' [Nomp]
Польский: dzieci `children' [Nomp]
Словинцский: Ѕi°eёc„ `children' [Nomp]
Болгарский: deґti (dial.) `children' [Nomp]
Страница у Покорного: 241
Общая заметка: A derivative of the root *dheh1-, cf. Latv. dę^ls `son', de^t `suck'. The singular *dĕtь is hardly attested. The common singular of the word for `child' is -> *dĕtę, wehere the suffix *-t- was enlarged with the suffix *-ę < *-ent-, which is frequent in designations of young living creatures.
Другие сближения: Lat. fЊtus `birth, foetus, offspring' [m]
Другие сближения: Gk. qh~luj `feminine' [adj]; Lat. fЊcundus `fertile' [adj]
Примечания: {1} The noun djeґva seems to be a hypercoristic of dje°vЎjka (RJA II 449-450) and cannot be regarded as a direct continuation of *dĕ°va. The RJA has also dje?v (18th c.) [f i] and dje?va `virgo', which do not belong to the living language. The status of the accentuation of these words is unclear to me.
Общая заметка: In case-forms with original stress on the suffix one expects root stress as a result of Hirt's law. This accounts for the many indications for root stress in both Baltic and Slavic.
Общая заметка: Perhaps cognate with Skt. dayi `fly (of birds, chariots, horses, gods)'. In view of the evidence for circumflex long i, the East Baltic forms, may be borrowings from Slavic, but the semantic difference (for which cf. Du. woest `desolate' -> `uncultivated, rough, wild') is conspicuous. Note that East Latv. di°eks2, if correctly interpreted, may reflect *deik-.
Примечания: {1} Both di^ks2 and di°ks2 are attested. In principle this combination points to di°ks. In East Латышский, there are also forms reflecting di°eks2.
Праславянская форма:*dira; dir§a
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ; f. jѓ
Значение на праславянском: `crack, hole'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 30-31
Старославянский: dira `crack' [f ѓ]; #OCS dirja `crack' [f ѓ]
Болгарский: diґrja `look for, seek, strive for' [verb]
Литовский: dyre†ґti (coll.) `look out (for), watch (for), stare, gape, be in hiding' [verb]
Общая заметка: According to the ESSJa, the Slavic and Baltic verbs are possibly cognate with -> *dьrati `tear'. In that case the i would have to originate from the iterative. The connection with Germanic, as advocated by Stang (1972: ??), is not unattractive, however. One might reconstruct *dei(H)r- or *deih2-r-, cf. Skt. dayi `shine, radiate'.
Другие сближения: Nw. (dial.) tira `look, shine, beam' [verb]
Праславянская форма:*divъ I
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Значение на праславянском: `astonishment, miracle'
Общая заметка: See -> *dikъ. The Русский: adjectives diґvyj (dial.) `surprising' and diґvoj (dial.) `miraculous, surprising', which the ESSJa mentions under this lemma, are obviously cognate with *divьnъ.
Общая заметка: Adjective in *-ro- of *dhabh- (-> *doba). The relationship between *doba `time' and *dobrъ `good' is parallel to *godъ `right time' vs. PGmc. gЎda `suitable, good'.
Другие сближения: Go. gadaban `happen, be suitable'
Общая заметка: The petrified case-form *doma cannot reflect a Lsg. *dom-Ўu, which would have yielded *domu. A possible reconstruction is an Isg. *dom-oh1 (cf. -> *vьčera), but we would not expect to find the old Isg. ending of the o-stems in an u-stem.
Словенский: dojiґti `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb], dojiґm [1sg]
Болгарский: dojaґ `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb]
Страница у Покорного: 241
Общая заметка: The straightfoward analysis *dhoiH1-eie meets with several difficulties. In the first place, one would rather expect *dhoH1i-eie in view of forms such as Latv. de^t `suck', where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield *dajati, however. Skt. daґyati `suckle', has been analyzed as *dhh1-eie (see LIV: 142), where the same analysis is applied to OSw. d–a), but this reconstruction cannot account the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic *doji°ti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, i.e.
*dh(h1)eґie gave rise to *dhoiёeґiёe.
Другие сближения: Skt. dhaґyati `suck' [verb]; Go. daddjan `breast-feed' [verb]
Праславянская форма:*do°lnь
Грамматические признаки: f. i
Акцентная парадигма: a
Значение на праславянском: `palm of the hand'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 63-64
Старославянский: dlanь `palm of the hand' [f i]
Русский: ladoґn' `palm of the hand' [f i]; #Ru. doloґn' (dial.) `palm of the hand' [f i]
Чешский: dlan№ `palm of the hand' [f i]
Словацкий: dlan№ `palm of the hand' [f i]
Польский: dљonґ `palm of the hand' [f i]
Сербско-хорватский: dla?n `palm of the hand' [m o]; #SCr. C№ak. dlaІ~n (Vrgada) `palm of the hand' [m o], dla?na [Gens]; #SCr. C№ak. dlaґn (Vrgada) `palm of the hand' [m o], dla?na [Gens]; #SCr. C№ak. dla?n (Orbanicґi) `palm (of the hand)' [f i], dla?ni [Gens]
Словенский: dla°n `palm of the hand' [f i], dlani? [Gens]
Болгарский: dlan `palm of the hand' [f i]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *dolЂn-; delЂn-
Литовский: deґlna `palm of the hand' [f ѓ]; #Lith. deґlnas `palm of the hand' [m o]
Латышский: dęl~na `palm of the hand' [f ѓ]
Общая заметка: We are apparently dealing with a Balto-Slavic root *delЂ-, the origin of which is unclear. Pokorny suggests that there is a connection with Lith. di°lti `rub off, wear out' (`flatten' -> `flat of the hand'), which seems far-fetched.
Общая заметка: According to Banґkowski (2000: 282), this etymon spread from BeloРусский:, where it originated from a Литовский substratum, to Украинский, Русский: and Польский. The secondary meaning `fate' is assumed to have arisen in BeloРусский:. Though this is not an implausible scenario, it should be noticed that TrubačeЁv mentions late 14th century attestations of dolja in Древнерусский:: / Русский: Церковно-славянский:, in the meaning `fate' as well as in the meaning `part'. Furthermore, there is an Old Чешский:: attestation from around 1400.
Примечания: {1} The earliest attestations date from the 17th century (Banґkowski 2000: 282).
Общая заметка: Possibly cognate with -> *dьrgati < *drHgh-. As for the semantics, cf. OIc. dragan `pull' (*dhrogh-) vs. Nw. drag `draught, stream', drog (dial.) `short sleigh, track (of an animal), valley'.
Общая заметка: LIV reconstructs *dhroh2gh-eie-, connecting dražiti with Gk. qraЇssw, tarŽssw `stir up'. In view of the accentuation of the verb, this is problematic.
Примечания: {1} In the Pskov region, where both draґžit' and dražiґt' are attested, a variant dorožit' seems to have been recorded as well. I am inclined to regard this as a hypercorrection.
Праславянская форма:*drebĕzgъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 105-106
Русский: dreґbezg `sound of breaking glass, falling metal objects etc.' [m o]; #Ru. dreґbezgi `splinters, remnants' [Nompm o]
Литовский: drebe†~(z)nos `remnants' [Nompf ѓ]
Индоевропейская форма: *dhrebh-
Certainty: -
Страница у Покорного: 272
Праславянская форма:*drebъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 106
Болгарский: dreb `combings of wool or linen, small man' [m o]
Общая заметка: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drĕm- is a contamination of *dreh1-, cf. Skt. ni-drѓyѓґt (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and *drem¬-, cf. Lat. dorm–re `sleep'. A reconstruction *dreh1m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drĕmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).
Другие сближения: Skt. ni-drѓyѓґt (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa]; Lat. dorm–re `sleep'
Примечания: {1} In OCS, we only find drĕmanie (Ps. Sin.) Asg. `slumber'.
Праславянская форма:*driskati; dristati
Грамматические признаки: v.
Значение на праславянском: `suffer from diarrhoea'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 116
Украинский: drystaґty `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]
Чешский: dr№iґstati (Jungmann) `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]
Польский: drzystacґ (dial.) `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]
Словинцский: dr№a†~staўc `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]
Сербско-хорватский: driґskati `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]; #SCr. dri?skati `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]; #SCr. driґcґkati (Vuk) `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]
Словенский: driґskati `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]; #Sln. driґstati `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]
Болгарский: driґskam `suffer from diarrhoea' [verb]
Общая заметка: To be reconstructed as*dhreid-sk-, with early loss of *d.
Латышский: drabenes `sediment of malt after brewing process' [f Њ]
Общая заметка: Unlike the ESSJa, I have separated *droba° II `sediment, dregs, entrails' from *droba° I `crumb, small fry, small livestock', etc. It can be argued that the meanings `dregs' and `crumbs' may be covered by the designation `remnants', but for the root of droba° I the notion `small, fine' seems essential, while droba° II is about thick, weak masses. We may reconstruct a European root *dhrabh-.
Общая заметка: LIV (153) reconstructs *dhreb- on the basis of Germanic forms such as OIc. drepa `beat, kill', OHG treffan `hit'. Since this proto-form is in conflict with Winter's law, I reconstruct *dhrobh-eie- for Slavic. The discrepancy between Slavic may have something to do with the fact that the etymon is of non-Indo-European origin or Kluge's law may have played a role.
Другие сближения: Go. gadraban `cut out' [verb] {1}
Примечания: {1} Unless this is a mistake for gagraban.
Праславянская форма:*drobъ I
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 119-120
Украинский: drib `little piece, small livestock' [m o]
Чешский: drob (dial.) `hay-dust' [m o]
Old Чешский:: drob `little piece, crumb' [m o]
Upper Sorbian: drob `hay-dust, sawdust' [m o]
Словенский: dro•?b `little pieces, crumbs' [m o]
Общая заметка: A derivative of -> *drobiti, cf. -> *droba° I, *drobь, *drobĕzga.
Общая заметка: It is difficult to link this Balto-Slavic etymon to fors with an Indo-European etymology. The Русский: reflexive dročiґt'sja may also be compared with Latv. draka^tie^s `rage, dance'
Праславянская форма:*droga
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ
Значение на праславянском: `bar, pole'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 123-124
Русский: drogaґ `wooden bar or metal strip uniting the front and the rear axis of a cart, centre pole' [f ѓ]; #Ru. drogaґ (dial.) `pole' [f ѓ]; #Ru. droґga (dial.) `cart for transporting wood' [f ѓ]
Общая заметка: Apparently a variant of -> *drǫґgъ. A comparison with Gk. trљcw `run' and OIc. draga `pull' does not bring much.
Украинский: drik `Dyer's Broom, gadfly' [m o], droґku [Gens]; #Ukr. dru?o?k (dial.) `warm period in May or June, when cattle are plagued by gadflies and run from one side to another' [m o], droґku [Gens]
Латышский: strazds `thrush, (melnais s.) blackbird, (mѓjas s.) starling' [m o]
Древнерусский: tresde `thrush'
Индоевропейская форма: *trozd-o-
Общая заметка: In order to explain why *drozdъ was not, or rather only partly affected by the generalization of accentual mobilty in masculine o-stems, Illič-Svityč (1963: 45) reconstructs an u -stem, referring to OIc. ±rǫstr < *-uz. I am inclined to consider the possibility that owing to the cluster -zd-, which prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction called Ebeling's law, *drozdъ belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in principle merged with AP (b). In that case it is no longer necessary to posit a u-stem. It must be said, by the way, that the evidence for AP (c) seems to outweigh the evidence for (c).
Другие сближения: Lat. turdus `thrush' [m]; OIr. truit `thrush' [f] {2}; OIc. ±rǫstr `thrush' [m]
Примечания: {1} AP (c) in Древнерусский:: (Zaliznjak 1985: 137). {2} OIr. also truid, druid.
Общая заметка: Cognate with OIc. dregg `dregs, yeast' < *dragjЎ and, in spite of the differing velar, probably also with Lat. fracЊs. Since the word is possibly non-Indo-European, we might just as well reconstruct *dhragh-i-, with *a.
Другие сближения: Lat. fracЊs `fragments of olive pulp left after pressing' [f]; OIc. dregg `dregs, yeast' [f]
Словенский: drǫ?g `bar, latticed side of a cart' [m o]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *drongos
Литовский: dran~gas `pole (used as a lever)' [m o]; #Lith. draґnga `pole (used as a lever), edge (of a cart)' [f ѓ]
Общая заметка: On the basis of the Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence, we may reconstruct *dhrongh-. The limited distribution of the etymon and the fact that we find variants without a nasal or with root-final *k leads us to consider non-Indo-European origin.
Другие сближения: OIc. drangr `detached pillar of rock' [m]; OIc. drengr `heavy stick, pillar' [m]
Общая заметка: There are Baltic forms pointing to a Balto-Slavic root *drug- `tremble' (-> *drъžь). Alongside *drъgati we find forms with a secondarily lengthened root vowel. e.g. ORu., RuCS drygatisja `tremble', Ru. dial. dryґgat', drygaґt' `tremble, shake, writhe'.
Общая заметка: BSl. *drug- may in principle reflect *drugh- or *dhrugh-, but to my knowledge there are no cognates outside Balto-Slavic.
Примечания: {1} In the 18th century, we find forms such as dresz, dresґ, drez and dresґcґ (Sљawski SEJP I: 163). According to Banґkowski (2000: 297), may be based on a plural dreszcze from *drez†ca < *drьž-ьca.
Общая заметка: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *de?rvo) and *kol- `stab' (-> *kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed *drьkolь, *drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).
Общая заметка: The root shape *dhous- is peculiar to Balto-Slavic. Elsewhere in and Indo-European - and in Balto-Slavic as well - we find full grades of the type *dhue/ous- (cf. -> *dvoxati ).
Другие сближения: Go. dius `wild animal' [n]
Праславянская форма:*dunǫti
Грамматические признаки: v.
Значение на праславянском: `blow'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 137
Старославянский: dunǫti `blow' [verb], dunǫ [1sg]
Русский: duґnut' `blow' [verb]
Old Чешский:: dunuґti `blow' [verb]
Сербско-хорватский: duґnuti `blow' [verb]
Словенский: duґniti `strike, swoop down on' [verb], du?nem [1sg]
Страница у Покорного: 261
Общая заметка: Perfective in -nǫti, cf. -> *duti.
Другие сближения: Skt. dhіnoґti `shake' [verb]; OIc. dyґja `blow' [verb]
Общая заметка: West Slavic cognate of *dyra (the Ukr. and Bel. forms are borrowings from Польский). According to Sљawski (SEJP I: 208-209), there is evidence for a Польский form dzioґra. This form may derive from OPl. dracґ, 1sg. dziorę, or may continue an older noun *dora from the same root, which was then influenced by the Польский verb (similarly Baudouin de Courtenay apud Berneker 1899: 150 fn.).
Праславянская форма:*durъ
Грамматические признаки: adj. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 162
Словенский: duґr `shy, wild' [adj o]
Древнерусский: dіrai `shy' [adj Nompm]
Общая заметка: Perhaps to be analyzed as *dhou-ro-, cf. Skt. dhѓґvati, Gk. qљw `run'. There is no connection with Gk. qou~roj `rushing, impetuous, furious' (pace Trautmann 1910: 325, Vasmer s.v. durnoґj and others), which derives from *dhrh3-.
Общая заметка: If the Польский forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. duz†o and Lith. dau~gia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dhough-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.
Примечания: {1} According to Banґkowski (II: 312), duz†y `strong' and duz†o (duz†e) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Украинский. Duz†y `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while duz†o `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century.
Праславянская форма:*dіri°ti
Грамматические признаки: v.
Акцентная парадигма: c
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 161
Русский: duriґt' `be naughty, be obstinate' [verb], durjuґ [1sg], duriґt [3sg]; #Ru. duriґt' (dial.) `go crazy, do smth. forbidden or unnecessary, deceive' [verb]
Сербско-хорватский: duґriti se `be angry, fill with disgust, be disgusted' [verb], du?r–m se [1sg]; #SCr. du?riti se (RSA) `be angry, fill with disgust, be disgusted' [verb]; #SCr. C№ak. dіri?t (Orbanicґi) `sulk, pout' [verb], dіri~ [3sg]
Общая заметка: The fixed root stress results from Hirt's law.
Другие сближения: Skt. dhіmaґh• `smoke, vapour' [m o]; Gk. qu?mТj `heart, passion, courage' [m]; Lat. fіmus `smoke, vapour' [m]
Праславянская форма:*dyra; dyr'a
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ; f. jѓ
Значение на праславянском: `hole'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 205
Русский: dyraґ `hole, gap' [f ѓ]
Древнерусский:: dyrja `hole' [f ѓ]
Polabian: daraў `hole, prison' [f ѓ]
Индоевропейская форма: *dr(H)-
Общая заметка: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyraґ, which occurs alongside diraґ (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from *dъr- instead of of *dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> *dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. du°rti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyraґ, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sљawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both *dir- and *dur- functioned as the zero grade of *der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from *der- `tear'. Note that Baltic *duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.
Общая заметка: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade *daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duo^bjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. *deupa- `deep'< *dheub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).
Общая заметка: Watkins (1991: 175-176) argues that the basic meaning `rainstorm', attested in OCS, is in agreement with Skt. durdina- < *dus-di-n- explains why the compound contains the element *dus- `bad'. In this way he challenges the view that Trubetzkoy's and Vaillant's etymology cannot be correct because to the farmer rain is beneficial.
Общая заметка: I have reconstructed *dьbrь on the strength of the Old Церковно-славянский: and East Slavic evidence, but is plausible that the original form was *dъbrь (-> *dъno°), cf. OPl. debrz. Secondary forms with *i also occur in Baltic, e.g. Latv. dibęns `bottom' alongside dubęns.
Общая заметка: Verb in *-iti containing the zero grade of *dhelbh- `dig'. Like Adams (1999: 738), I consider the etymological relationship with Toch. B ts„lp- `free (from)' doubtful.
Другие сближения: OE delfan `dig' [verb]
Праславянская форма:*dьlgota°
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ
Значение на праславянском: `length'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 208
Старославянский: dlъgota (Ps. Sin, En., Supr.) `length, duration' [f ѓ]
Русский: dolgotaґ `length' [f ѓ]
Словинцский: dl„gu°oўtaў `length' [f ѓ]
Сербско-хорватский: dugo°ta `length' [f ѓ]
Словенский: doљgoґta `length' [f ѓ]
Страница у Покорного: 197
Общая заметка: Abstract noun in *-ota, cf. *vysota `height', *širota `width'.
Другие сближения: Skt. d–rghaґ- `long'; Gk. doli^ГћГУГ› `long'
Индоевропейская форма: *The closest cognate of this etymon seems to be Lat. dЎlium. OIr. delb f. `form, image' and W delw f. `form, image, idol' [f] are semantically more abstract.
Другие сближения: Lat. dЎlium `pot, drinking vessel (of stone)' [n]
Примечания: {1} The Nsg. is attested as dlъvi.
Праславянская форма:*dьlь
Грамматические признаки: f. i
Значение на праславянском: `length'
Страница в ЭССЯ: V 210
Чешский: deґl (poet.) `length' [f i]
Old Чешский:: deґl `length' [f i]; #OCz. dle `length' [f jѓ]
Индоевропейская форма: *dlh1-
Общая заметка: The unextended root *dlh1- `long' also occurs in Ru. dlinaґ `length'.
Русский: derbaґ (dial.) `new ploughed field, of which the hardened top layer has been removed; #Ru. virgin land, fallow land which has been ploughed up anew, overgrown fallow land' [f ѓ]
Общая заметка: The reconstruction of a zero grade implies that the sequence ere in the Русский: forms originates from the so-called vtoroe polnoglasie.
Другие сближения: Skt. drіґvѓ- `spelt' [f]
Примечания: {1} The meaning `field' is attested in the Domostroj.
Общая заметка: The root may be an extension of *dher-, cf. Skt. dhѓraґyati `hold', unless we assume that Gk. drŽssomai `seize, grab' also belongs here.
Другие сближения: Av. dražaite `hold, lead' [verb]
Примечания:
{1} Spellings with ъ are predominant. In the SJS, the lemma is actually drъžati.
{2} AP (c) in Old Русский (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
{3} The form držaґti (Pleteršnik I: 182) is a printing error.