Словенский: kadiґti `smoke, cover with dust' [verb], kadiґm [1sg]
Болгарский: kadjaґ `burn incense, smoke' [verb]
Общая заметка: The accentuation of the Сербско-хорватский: forms points to AP (b), but the evidence of the other languages rather points to (c). Due to the absence of reliable cognates, the reconstruction of the root presents difficulties (-> *čadъ). In the case of *kѓdi°ti, we may be dealing with a lengthened grade *Ў.
Общая заметка: If we start from a root *k(w)lkґ-, the etymon *klĕšča may be reconstructed as k(w)loikґ-t-ieh2. A possible cognate is #Skt. klesґ- (SґB+) `trouble, torment'.
Общая заметка: Apparently a derivative of -> *klĕšča. The ESSJa suggests that forms reflecting *klestiti are analogical after *pustiti, 1sg. *puščǫ. This may very well be correct, but it should be noted that the West Slavic forms with *-šč-, which could be analogical after the present stem or the noun *klĕšča, are comparatively recent.
Праславянская форма:*klĕtь
Грамматические признаки: f. i
Страница в ЭССЯ: X 25-27
Старославянский: klĕtь `closet, abode' [f i]
Русский: klet' `cage (in mines), (dial.) store-room, shed' [f i]
Общая заметка: Unlike the ESSJa, I consider it unlikely that the Baltic forms are borrowings from Slavic (see also Fraenkel s.v. kle†ґtis, Anikin 2005: 169-171). I agree that long vowels in borrowings are not necessarily circumflex in Литовский, but the vocalism e† instead of ie is not what we would expect in a loanword from Slavic. The ESSJa assumes that the vocalism is due to remodelling, but I find that unconvincing. It seems preferable to reconstruct *kleh1-ti- with secondary mobility in the Slavic i-stem. The reason why the Baltic words gave been regarded as borrowings is that it makes it possible to derive the *ĕ of the Slavic etymon from *oi, cf. #Go. hlei±ra `hut, tent', #OIr. cliґath `hurdle, woven wall', late #Lat. clЊta `enclosure' < *kґlei-, whereas a root kґleh1- cannot easily be connected forms from other branches of Indo-European.
Латышский: kli~ka^t `scream loudly (in a forest)' [verb]
Общая заметка: The acute of the Baltic forms in *-ѓti may be metatonical, but on the basis of the Slavic evidence I am inclined to reconstruct a root containing a laryngeal.
Страница у Покорного: The reflex *-c- of the second palatalization can only be regular if the root vowel is *ь.
The ESSJa reconstructs ъ, presumably in view of forms such as #Ru. klok `rag, tuft', #Ru. klyґkat' (dial.) `beat, hew'.
On the other hand, there are Русский Церковно-славянский forms belonging to a verb klьcati or klecati.
Примечания:
{1} In klъcaše d[u]xъ moi (Psalm 76:7).
{2} E.g. klъcaaše duxъ moi (Psalm 76:7) and a srdce klьčaše v nĕmь (from klьčati or klьkati?).
Общая заметка: According to the ESSJa, this is a derivative of -> *kl§uґčь, but the accentological evidence suggests that in some cases we might be dealing with a derivative of -> *kl§u?ka.
Примечания: {1} AP (c) in Древнерусский:: (Zaliznjak 1985: 140). {2} The form kljuґčim (Pleteršnik I: 409) is incorrect (see o.c. II: V).
Общая заметка: The relationship with the otherwise isolated Lat. costa `rib' seems possible. An interesting alternative hypothesis is to regard the *k of *ko?stь as the reflex of the initial laryngeal of PIE h2ost- `bone' in an Indo-European substratum language (cf. Kortlandt 1997b: 47, where the option is dismissed, however).
Общая заметка: As to the etymology of the root, there are two candidates, viz. *kelH- `rise, raise, lift' and *kєel(H)- `turn, rotate'. I prefer the former option for semantic reasons. The connection with Gk. kw~lon `limb', which cannot reflect an initial labiovelar, is hardly secure enough to serve as a formal argument.
Общая заметка: Adverb (also conjunction) consisting of the neuter pronoun *ko and the particle li, cf. #Ru. li, which functions as an interrogative particle and as a conjunction `whether, if'.
Общая заметка: Meillet (Eґt.: 357) suggests that the root vocalism *o (unexpected in an s-stem) is due to contamination with the masculine o-stem that is reflected in #Gk. pТloj `(axis or pole of the) celestial sphere'.
Другие сближения: Skt. cakraґ- `wheel (of a chariot, of the sun, of the year)' [n]; Gk. kЪkloj `circle, ring, wheel' [m]
Сербско-хорватский: klaґto `log around the neck or feet of livestock' [n o]; #SCr. C№ak. klѓto? (Orbanicґi) `clapper, tongue (of a bell)' [n o], kla~ta [Nomp]
Словенский: klaґta `log around the neck of a pig' [f ѓ]
Общая заметка: I assume that the mobile o-stems found in East Slavic are secondary and that the root-final laryngeal was lost in pretonic position in an end-stressed noun kolЂto° or kolЂtъ°. Note that due to the transfer of the original barytone neuter o-stems (in *-om > *-um > *-ъ) to the class of the masculine o-stems, there was widespread vacillation between the Nsg. endings *-ъ and *-o (cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 49, Derksen forthc. d: passim). The relationship between *koґltъ and -> *kolti°ti may be compared with the one between -> *moltъ and -> *molti°ti but is not completely parallel (see -> *moltъ). I wonder if the East Slavic variant koґlot may be analgical after moґlot.
Общая заметка: Etymology disputed. An attempt can be made to connect ko°nь with #Ru. kobyґla `mare', etc., which may be cognate with Lat. caballus `working-horse'. In that case we might posit a (non-IE) root *kab- and derive *ko°nь from *kab-n-io-. Another possibility is to start from *kom-nь and seek a connection with #ORu. komonь, #Cz. komon№ `horse' and maybe also #Lith. kume~le† `mare'.
Примечания: {1} Cf. Ru. kobyґla `mare' etc,, which may be cognate with Lat. caballus `working-horse'. {2} Cf. Cz. komon№ `horse', etc.
Праславянская форма:*kopa
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ
Значение на праславянском: `heap, shock'
Страница в ЭССЯ: XI 10-12
Русский: kopaґ `heap of hay or rye' [f ѓ]
Древнерусский:: kopa `monetary unit, shock (group of sixty units, group of sheaves)' [f ѓ]
Общая заметка: The reconstruction k(w)h2uop-o-\x was first proposed by Schrijver (1991: 161), who tried to account for the accentual difference between Latv. ku^pt, ku^pe^t `smoke, steam' and Lith. kve†~pti `cough, breathe' by placing the laryngeal before the *u. The broken tone of Latv. kve^pt is assumed to be analogical after the zero grade. I would like to add that the broken tone may also orginate from the sta-present, cf. #Latv. pi^kt `be angry' vs. #Latv. pikts `angry'. Schrijver does not discuss -> *kypĕ°ti, whicj he correctly groups together with Латышский forms containing a root kup- (see -> kypĕ°ti).
Другие сближения: Gk. kapnТj `smoke' [m] {1}; Lat. vapor `steam' [m] {1}
Общая заметка: Prosodically, some forms behave as if *kora belongs to the *vo°l§a type (cf. Zaliznjak 1985: 135-136, Verweij 1994: 507, 510). The root is (s)ker-, cf. #Gk. ke…rw `shear', #OIc. skera `cut'.
Общая заметка: The often advocated connection with #Lith. kar~šti, #Latv. kѓ°rst `comb, card', Lat. carrere `card' (from PIE *(s)ker-s-) is problematic because the tone of the Baltic verb does not match the acute of *ko°rsta. Perhaps there is a relationship with PGm. *harska- `raw'.
Другие сближения: MoHG verharschen `form scabs' [verb]
Общая заметка: I see no reason to separate *kratъ°kъ from Lith. kartu°s. The latter is attested with an acute root, but this may be analogical after saldu°s `sweet'.
Общая заметка: This etymon can be analyzed as *kor- `cut' (PIE *(s)kor-) plus the suffix *-yto that we find in Ru. kopyґto `hoof'. We may compare #Lith. pra~kartas `manger, trough', #OPr. pracartis `trough', which contain a root *kort- `hew', which is an enlarged variant of the above-mentioned root.
Праславянская форма:*korъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: XI 120
Церковно-славянский: korъ `contumely' [m o]
Сербско-хорватский: ko?r (dial.) `reproach' [m o]
Болгарский: kor `nickname' [m o]; #Bulg. kor (dial.) `reproach' [m o]
Индоевропейская форма: *kor-
Общая заметка: The etymological connection with Lith. ka~ras `war' [m o] seems quite uncertain.
Общая заметка: The ESSJa regards *kosa° `scythe' as etymologically identical with -> *kosa° I. This may indeed be the best solution. It seems unlikely that *kosa° `scythe' derives from PIE *kґos- , cf. #Skt. sґaґstra- n. `knife'. Positing original zero grade of the root, as has been done for Skt. sґaґstra- and #Lat. castrѓre, does not seem to explain the depalatalization of *kґ- because in that case we would expect *kox- << *ks•-, but before a consonant *kos- << *ks•- is possible. Likely candidates for this development, such as Slk. kostura `big knife', #Ukr. kostuґra `knife for slaughtering animals', seem to be related with -> *ko?stь `bone', however.
Праславянская форма:*kosmъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Значение на праславянском: `tuft, lock of hair'
Страница в ЭССЯ: XI 145-147
Церковно-славянский: kosmъ (RuCS) `hair, lock of hair' [m o]
Русский: koґsmy `locks, mane' [Nompm o]
Чешский: kosm (Jungmann) `tuft, lock of hair' [m o]; #Cz. kosma (obs., poet.) `tuft, lock of hair' [f ѓ]
Польский: kosm `tuft, lock of hair' [m o]
Словенский: koґsЌm `tuft, flake' [m o]
Болгарский: koґsaўm `hair, fibre, colour of animal's hair or coat' [m o]
Сербско-хорватский: kuko°nos `having a hooked nose' [adj o]
Индоевропейская форма: *kouk-
Страница у Покорного: 589
Праславянская форма:*ku°pъ
Грамматические признаки: m. o
Акцентная парадигма: a
Значение на праславянском: `heap, mound'
Страница в ЭССЯ: XIII 114-115
Старославянский: kupъ (Supr.) `heap' [m o]; #OCS vъkupь `jointly, ath the same time' [adv]; #OCS vъkupъ (Mar.) `jointly' [adv]; #OCS vъkupĕ `together, at the same time' [adv]
Общая заметка: In my opinion, Schrijver (1991: 260) correctly separates kypĕ°ti from #Latv. ku^pe^t `smoke, steam', #Lat. vapor `steam, heat', etc., which he derives from a root *k(w)h2up- (-> *kopъtь). An analysis of the East Baltic material nearly suffices to establish the roots *ku^p- `smoke, steam' and *kup- `boil, seethe', e.g. #Latv. ku^pt, #Latv. ku^pe^t `smoke, steam' vs. #Latv. kupe^t, #Latv. kupuo^t `seethe'. The latter root may go back to PIE *kup-, cf. Skt. kupyati `swell, heave or boil with rage or emotion, be angry, be angry with', Lat. cupiЎ `desire'. LIV distinguishes between *keuёp- `innerlich beben', *kuёeh1p- `sieden', and *kuep- `hauchen'. The root *kuёeh1p- is posited on the basis of forms that do not or not necessarily require a laryngeal, such as. #Lith. kіpe†ґti `boil over' (cf. #Lith. ku°pti, #Latv. kupt `rise (bread)' and OCS kypĕti, the etymon under discussion. The froms that do require a laryngeal, viz. #Latv. ku^pt and #Latv. ku^pe^t `smoke, steam' have a different meaning and can be linked to the forms mentioned under *kuёep- if we adopt Schrijver's reconstruction.
Литовский: ki°rna (dial.) `root of a tree or shrub on a riverbank that is hollowed out by water, soggy spot overgrown with bushes, spot with fallen trees' [f ѓ] 1
Древнерусский: kirno `bush'
Общая заметка: A jo-stem containing the zero grade of the root of -> *korenь.