Общая заметка: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger".
While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. moґti , Latv. ma~t `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmaui±s (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mѓ- (693) and mЎ- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh2- as well as *meh3- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh2- `to beckon' only (TrubačeЁv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
Общая заметка: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ѓ : a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh1 : h1, does not match the ѓ of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root mѓk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Литовский and Латышский forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Польский. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Латышский. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
Другие сближения: Gk. m»kwn `poppy' [f]; Dor. mŽ?kwn `poppy' [f]; OHG mѓho `poppy' [m]; OHG mago `poppy' [m]; OS magosѓmo `poppyseed' [m]; OS mЊcopin (KŽnigsberg) `poppy' [m]; OSw. valmoghe `poppy' [m] {4}; Est. magun `poppy; Liv. maggon `poppy'
Примечания: {1} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magіna . The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipe†da. {2} I have found the variants magu°ona2, magana, magane and magіne. {3} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Литовский but not in Латышский. The Литовский dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Латышский) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Bіga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai : rarotai , akrіtas : rakrіtas, Latv. ruodere : uodere, іk§eris (1960, 71-72). {4} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjŽrn `Schlafdorn'.
Общая заметка: The question is whether *ma°lъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH1-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH2-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mĕlъkъ under 1. mel-, melЌ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mЊlo-, smЊlo- `kleines Tier'.
Общая заметка: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
Примечания: {1} I consider both the Латышский and the Литовский forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzel–ns is inclined to regard Latv. ma~ni^t as an inherited word.
Польский: mara `dream, illusion, ghost, (dial.) nightly spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep' [f ѓ]
Словинцский: mara `dream, apparition, ghost' [f ѓ]
Upper Sorbian: mara `goddess of illness and death' [f ѓ]
Болгарский: Maґra `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ѓ]
Индоевропейская форма: *meh2-reh2
Certainty: +
Страница у Покорного: 693
Общая заметка: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-S№ewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mЎrѓ and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatyґ 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh2- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Польский, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *ma°ra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *mora° (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. moґra and maraґ (beside maґra). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.
Общая заметка: If *ma°zati is cognate with Lith. me†ґžti 'manure, muck out', Latv. me^zt `muck out, sweep', *ma°slo < *ma°z-slo < PBSl. *moЂzґ-slo nearly matches Lith. me†ґšlas 1/3, Latv. me^§sls `manure' < PEBl. *mЊґž-sla < PBSl. *meЂzґ-slo . Here I must add that Slavic *maslo is sometimes derived from *maz-tlo .
Общая заметка: The root stress in this word may be due to Hirt's law, cf. Skt. mѓtѓґ , but there is a distinct possibility that it is old, cf. Gk. m»thr.
Примечания: {1} The oldest form of the genitive is moґteres, which occurs, for instance, in DP and in dialects. The most important Standard Литовский derivatives are moґteris `wife, mother' and moґtina `mother'. The form mote†~, which frequently occurs in the older scholarly literature, does not exist. {2} The accentuation ma^te (Pokorny) is incorrect.
Общая заметка: While the ESSJ (TrubačeЁv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *ma?ti at all. Lat. mѓtіrus has been connected with mѓnus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In TrubačeЁv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *ma?ti and mѓtіrus (with references to TrubačeЁv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with mѓne and mѓtіrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mѓtіrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. mateЁryj). The connection with *ma?ti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *ma?ti .
Другие сближения: Lat. mѓtіrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj]; Lat. mѓnus `good' [adj]
Праславянская форма:*matorьnъ; materьnъ
Грамматические признаки: adj. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: XVII 251-253
Русский: mateЁrnyj (dial.) `big, strong' [adj o]
Old Чешский:: matornyґ `mature, serious' [adj o]
Словенский: matǫґrЌn `elderly, old' [adj o]
Болгарский: matoґrnyj `old, senile' [adj o]
Индоевропейская форма: *meh2tor-
IE meaning: mother
Страница у Покорного: 693
Другие сближения: Lat. mѓtіrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj]; Lat. mѓnus `good' [adj]
Общая заметка: For the time being I have grouped together Slavic *ma°zati and Lith. me†ґžti `manure, muck out', Latv. me^zt `muck out, sweep' and muo~ze^t `gobble, pound etc.' (cf. Oštir 1912: 214, Fraenkel I: 444). It seems to me that the Baltic words can be linked semantically to *ma°zati `smear' if we start from a meaning `smear, wipe, sweep' (for the semantic development attested in muo~ze^t, cf. Ru. smaґzat' `strike a blow', MoDu. (dial.) afsmeren `give s.o. a beating'). Another possibility would be to connect *ma°zati with Gk. mŽssw (aor. pass. magh~nai) `knead' (provided that the root is not mak- instead of mag-, which, according to Chantraine (670), cannot be determined), Arm. macanim `thicken, stick together' and OHG mahhЎn, OS makЎn etc. `make'. This would entail a reconstruction *meh2gґ- (*magґ- in Pokorny), which would preclude a connection with me†ґžti, Latv. me^zt.
Общая заметка: In spite of the fact that the x in *maxati is not the regular reflex of *s in this position, I assume that we are dealing with a Balto-Slavic enlargement s of the root *meh2- `to beckon'.
Общая заметка: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard *mečь as an old oxytone noun. TrubačeЁv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.
Другие сближения: Go. mЊki `sword' [m]; OS mѓki `sword' [m]
Праславянская форма:*medja°
Грамматические признаки: f. jѓ
Акцентная парадигма: b
Значение на праславянском: `border, boundary, balk'
Другие сближения: Skt. maґdhya- (RV+) `middle, located in the middle' [adj]; Lat. medius `middle, located in the middle' [adj]; Go. midjis `middle' [adj]
Другие сближения: Skt. maґdhya- (RV+) `middle, located in the middle' [adj]; Lat. medius `middle, located in the middle' [adj]; Go. midjis `middle' [adj]
Примечания: {1} Loc. du.
Праславянская форма:*medojĕdъ
Грамматические признаки: adj. o
Страница в ЭССЯ: XVIII 55
Русский: medoeґd (dial.) `honey-lover' [m o]
Чешский: medojed (Jungmann) `honey-lover' [m o]
Сербско-хорватский: me?dojЊd (dial.) `death's head moth' [m o]
Общая заметка: For morphological as well as semantic reasons the noun *medojedъ must be a more recent formation than *medvĕdь .
Другие сближения: Skt. madh(u)vaґd- `honey-eater' [m]
Примечания: {1} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Болгарский text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). {2} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. {3} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedzґwiedzґ , OCz. nedvĕd.
Другие сближения: Skt. madh(u)vaґd- `honey-eater' [m]
Примечания: {1} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Болгарский text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). {2} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. {3} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedzґwiedzґ , OCz. nedvĕd.
Словенский: me•?d `ore, metal (esp. copper and alloys of copper)' [f i], me•di? [Gens]; #Sln. me•?d `ore, metal (esp. copper and alloys of copper)' [m o]
Болгарский: med `copper' [f i]
Примечания: {1} According to Schuster-S№ewc (HEW II: 920), mĕdzґ `copper' is of Чешский: origin.
Болгарский: mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]; #Bulg. mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *mois•oґs
Литовский: mai~šas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 {2}
Латышский: ma°iss `bag' [m o]
Древнерусский: moasis (EV) `bellows'
Индоевропейская форма: *moiso-
IE meaning: ram
Certainty: +
Страница у Покорного: 747
Общая заметка: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. mai~šas `ein aus Schnµren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
Примечания: {1} The plural noun mexiґ means `fur bag, wine-skin'. {2} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnµren gestricktes Heunetz'.
Общая заметка: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile . The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me (pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
Примечания: {1} Also Standard Литовский is sme†ly~s 4. {2} Judging by the Литовский evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKZ№) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Латышский forms in ME are smi°lts and smi°ltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Латышский falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). {3} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjaІg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.
Праславянская форма:*mĕna
Грамматические признаки: f. ѓ
Значение на праславянском: `change, exchange'
Страница в ЭССЯ: XVIII 171-172
Старославянский: mĕna (Supr.) `exchange' [f ѓ]
Русский: meґna `exchange' [adj o]
Чешский: mĕna `exchange, change' [f ѓ]
Польский: miana `change' [f ѓ]
Сербско-хорватский: mije°na `exchange, change, new moon, metamorphosis' [f ѓ]; #SCr. C№ak. m–na? (Vrgada) `phase of the moon' [f ѓ]
Словенский: me•ґna `exchange, change, phase of the moon' [f ѓ]
Прабалто-славянская форма: *moinaЂ
Литовский: mai~nas `exchange' [m o]
Латышский: mai~na `exchange' [f ѓ]
Индоевропейская форма: *moi-
Другие сближения: OHG mein `false, deceitful' [adj]
Общая заметка: Obviously, some forms have been influenced semantically and/or formally by -> *męzdra. The original meaning of the etymon seems to be `sap of (trees)' rather than `sap-wood'. The connection with MoHG Maische , MHG meisch, OE mѓx-wyrt `mash (in a brewery)' is not unattractive, but becomes less plausible if the Germanic word derives from OHG miscen, OE miscian `mix'. The ESSJa suggests that the root is *h3meigґh- (-> mižati II, etc.) and adduces Sln. mЌze•ґti `trickle', me•ґžiti se `begin to contain sap'. The seemingly obvious semantic link may be secondary, however.
Общая заметка: Machek (1949) has connected *modrъ with Hitt. antara- `blue', which requires that the latter etymon has an < *am-. In view of Winter's law, we would have to reconstruct *modhro- for Slavic and a zero grade *mdhro- for Hittite.
Общая заметка: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. mage†ґti etc. on the one hand and me†ґgti `love, like', Latv. me^gt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h1megґ- if cognate with Gk. perihmektљw `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of mage†ґti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mŽgen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magh-, mѓgh- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. mhcav» `means, instrument', mh~coj `instrument, apparatus', Dor. maЇcaЇna, ma~coj, which was rejected by Endzel–ns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).
Другие сближения: Skt. maghaґ- `power, wealth, gift' [m]; Go. mag `have power, be able' [3sg]; OIc. mega `be able' [verb], maґ [3sg]; OHG magan, mugan `be able' [verb]
Примечания: {1} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. {2} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Польский moz†e) or a genuine PРусский: form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature).
Общая заметка: Traces of AP (b) are sparse in this etymon. Nikolaev (1989: 54, 89) mentions mљoґt, Gsg. mљoґta in a archaic dialect of Upper Sorbian, mlaґt, Isg. mlaґtom in a grammar of a Posavian variant of Сербско-хорватский:, and a number of end-stressed froms from BeloРусский: and NW Русский: dialects. Since there are no neuter variants (cf. -> *koґltъ, where the evidence for AP (b) is much stronger), we might posit an original masculine o-stem, which become mobile as a result of Illič-Svityč's law. In that case the accentuation of molti°ti could simply reflect the original state of affairs.
Чешский: muІra {4} `nightmare, mythological creature that suffocates people in their sleep, moth' [f ѓ]
Словацкий: mora, mura `demonical mythological creature that torments people in their sleep' [f ѓ]
Польский: mora (dial.) `nightly spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep, nightly apparition, nightmare' [f ѓ]
Словинцский: mu°ora (dial.) `nightmare, its female personification' [f ѓ]
Сербско-хорватский: mo°ra `nightmare' [f ѓ] {2}; #SCr. C№ak. Mora? (Orbanicґi) `[personified] nightmare, female phantom (appears early in the morning, walks with the sound of a cat tripping; #SCr. makes a habit of sitting on people's throats and nearly suffocating them' [f ѓ]
Словенский: moґra `nightmare, owl' [f ѓ] {3}
Болгарский: moraґ `nightmare' [f ѓ]
Индоевропейская форма: *mor-eh2
Certainty: +
Страница у Покорного: 735-736
Общая заметка: The image of a (female) ghost who induces nightmares is apparently common to Slavic, Germanic and, possibly, Celtic. The root of this creature's name is unclear. Pokorny assumes a connection with *mer- `aufreiben, reiben; packen, rauben', which is not entirely convincing. For a discussion of the relationship between *mora and *mara, see s.v. *mara .
Другие сближения: OIc. mara `nightmare' [f]; OE mare `nightmare' [f]; OIr. mor-riґgain `goddess of the battlefield, female demon' [f] {5}
Примечания: {1} The noun also occurs in Ru. kikiґmora m/f `house-sprite that spins at night'. {2} The folkloristic belief that the mora is an evil female creature (witch, sorceress) is mentioned in Karadžicґ's dictionary (cf. the form from Orbanicґi). {3} There is a variant mo?ra `nightmare, house-spirit, creature that at night suffocates people in their sleep and harms animals' (Slovar slovenskega jezika II: 238. {4} In dialects, we find a variant mora .
Общая заметка: The *m- probably orginates from the ending of the first person plural. The *y must have been adopted from *vy `you (pl.)' < *iuH-. The n- of the form ny (KB) was taken from the oblique cases, cf. the enclitic Apl. ny.
Общая заметка: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghaґ-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h3meigґh- and *h3meigh- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. my~žti, Latv. mi°zt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with my~žti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьgla° . A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigh- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigh- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micѓre'), which I discuss s.v. mi?gъ . Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, TrubačeЁv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migorisґ se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-S№ewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by TrubačeЁv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. miґždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blan~das `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. mie~gas `sleep', mi°gt `sleep, fall asleep', miegoґti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegoґti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snao‹a- `cloud' vs. Lith. snaґusti `doze' or OIr. neґl `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьgla° and *mi?gъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h3meigh-.
Примечания: {1} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. {2} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.
Общая заметка: According to the ESSJa (XIX: 29), the root vocalism of *mьgnǫti is older than the one encountered in *mignǫti , which in most Slavic languages serves as the perfective counterpart of *migati. Van Wijk was the first to identify *mьgnǫti with Gm. *mikk- `aim' < *mig(h)-n- (Van Wijk 1911: 124).
).